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Abstract

The paper aims to test a hypothesis of introducing free speech in Polish translations instead of censored renderings typical of post-World War II reality after 1989 when communists lost the parliamentary elections (4th June) and stopped ruling Poland. The new political reality of a democratic system was reasserted by abolishing the censorship apparatus in 1990.
The analysis is based on articles from a magazine Forum. Przegląd Prasy Światowej, which are Polish translations of 10 source texts (STs) - selected articles concerning Polish issues from The New York Times. The STs and their Polish translations have been compared in detail to be able to evaluate the target texts (TTs) according to their correspondence with the STs.
In lieu of the censorship rule of hiding unwanted content and manipulating the audience, also with the propaganda language ( Newspeak), after 1990, the only remaining type of information flow blockage was self-censorship or superiors’ interference. The analysis will discover how topics changed, what happened to the language of propaganda, how the contents of STs are revealed in translations, and what translation techniques are applied in the process of transferring the ST message. The questions posed are, first, how accurate the translations after 1990 are, and second, what reasons might have occurred to have avoided the publication of some contents.
The analysis will be the basis for evaluating translators’ ethics in ST content delivery by reference to Andrew Chesterman (1997, 2001, 2018), Anthony Pym (2001, 2012), Jeremy Munday (2012), Juliane House (2015), and others.
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Authors and Affiliations

Edyta Źrałka
1

  1. University of Silesia
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Abstract

John Rawls’s idea of the ‘veil of ignorance’ offers an opportunity to reflect on liberal‑democratic freedom of speech. Rawls’s method is to make political rules a priori, i.e. to give them the status of general principles hopefully applicable in most cases of real life. The rules of liberal‑democratic justice are formal in a way that makes them comparable to rules of formal logic. Encouraged by this similarity, we may ask: What logical form should be given to publicly discussed opinions allowed in a liberal democracy – when ‘allowed’ is meant in its legal or moral sense? The opinions expressed in the form of the particular judgment („Some S’s are P’s”) should obviously be always allowed in a public debate. But we must note that liberal democracies of our time tend to be more and more essentialist in the matter of ‘political correctness’. However, it is dangerous for law and political decisions to follow this new form of social prejudice. Liberal democracy turns in such circumstances into ‘ideological democracy’, and therefore becomes one that is no longer ‘liberal’. The opinions expressed in the form of general judgments („All S’s are P’s”) should always be permitted in public debate but only as a rhetorical (or emphatic) way of presenting personal beliefs. We should not try to make a political use of the logical ‘principle of double negation’. In logic, it is natural to assume that „Every S is P” implies that „No S is not‑P”. But in politics every citizen should be allowed to say instead that „Some S’s are not‑P’s”. The rules of law and political correctness must not restrict our freedom in this respect.
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Authors and Affiliations

Łukasz Kowalik
1
ORCID: ORCID

  1. Uniwersytet Warszawski, Wydział Filozofii, Redakcja „Przeglądu Filozoficznego”, ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 3, 00-927 Warszawa

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