In 2021 Commission for Research Integrity continued her basic mission related to ethical oversight of research carried out at universities and scientific institutions. Commission has been dealing with specific cases suggesting scientific misconduct. Furthermore, Commission has been engaged in promotion of the rules of research integrity (seminars, lectures). Moreover, Commission has been formulating its opinions regarding key matters related to integrity in science. Recently, Commission addressed the issue of promotion to the level of full professor even by candidates who have committed scientific misconduct in publications not included in the formal proceedings leading to professorship. Commission believes that this situation is deplorable and requires immediate correction. Commission has been created by democratic decisions of the entire scientific and academic community and is autonomous in its decisions.

In this article, I present a proposal for an international law-based formula for mediating territorial conflicts and apply it to the case of Crimea in Ukraine. Although the tragic Russian attack which commenced on 24 February 2022 has made the mediation even more difficult, once a ceasefire is achieved my formula is capable of providing legally solid compromises to the Ukrainian territorial questions that fit into the contemporary international legal framework concerning territory. Naturally, any realistic solution will require concessions on the part of all stakeholders (primarily Crimea, Ukraine, and Russia). In short, the formula offers for Ukraine the return of its territorial integrity, for Crimea internal self-determination in the form of a meaningful territorial autonomy, and for Russia a few indirect perks and guarantees, mostly related to a possible demilitarization of the Crimean Peninsula. The analysis can also be useful for Donbas, for which the formula offers recognition of some limited autonomous rights.

The plebiscite in Upper Silesia from the year 1921 was one of the most important moments in the history of the region. The establishment of the independent Polish state after 1918 resulted in creating a frontier which divided the region before the plebiscite itself. Therefore, various kinds of travel documents emerged and played an important role. Basing on decision of the Allies, starting from 1st of July 1920, all persons who wanted to enter the plebiscite area were obliged to have a special passport or identity card, issued by the French consulate in Breslau (Wrocław). Also the inhabitants of Upper Silesia, travelling in the area of plebiscite territory, were obliged to possess special travel cards. The author in her article analyses different types of documents as well as mechanisms of dealing with problems of people, who after the final division of Upper Silesia decided to move from one side of the border to the other.

The question of the state affiliation of Upper Silesia which arose after WWI has been treated and perceived by today’s historians, if at all, as a typical German-Polish border conflict. Really however, it was both a European and an international problem of utmost significance. In it, French hegemonic and safety efforts, accumulated in and collided with Britain‘s classic policy of continental equilibrium. Both, Poland with its territorial claim on Upper Silesia and Germany in its struggle to preserve its territorial integrity, thus were not only players of political, diplomatic and military struggles for the second most important European industrial region, but rather objects of the interests of European great powers. This applied even more to the population which was actually to vote in the referendum on Upper Silesia affiliation. However, in its effort to weaken Germany and simultaneously gain control over the Ruhr, France favoured its ally Poland, to a much greater extent than Britain could in respect of Germany.

A microsimulation approach was carried out in this paper to evaluate the safety performance of turbo roundabouts in which the "CAVs" of connected autonomous vehicles are mixed with the "CVs" of conventional vehicles the research aims to evaluate the advantages in terms of safety and performance of turbo roundabouts. The paper shall also lead to describe the methodological path followed to build VISSIM models of turbo roundabout changing O-D matrix as real case applications, to calibrate the simulation models, and to estimate the potential conflicts when the percentages of CAVs are introduced into the traffic mix. The results, in accordance with the existing bibliography, have shown that the safety levels and the parameters that determine an improvement in the service level in a turbo roundabouts are significantly influenced not only by the geometric characteristics, but also by the distribution of vehicular flows. Therefore, it follows that in absence of crash data including CAVs, the surrogate measures of safety must be considered a strong approach to evaluate the safety performance of a roundabout so far, any road entity.

The commission held 8 meetings using a hybrid approach to its work (remote work as well as work on-premises). CRI has pointed to shortcomings of remote work in science and education, where direct contacts between members of academic community assure optimal envirnment for achieving highest standards of research and teaching. Moreover, focusing the vast majority of research on COVID-related projects endangers progress in other scientific disciplines while an exaggerated pressure for the fast development of new anti-COVID medications may cause lowering of standards used to evaluate research results. CRI has expressed its concern caused by activities of Ministry of Education and Science related to s.c. „freedom package” – a planned amendments to Act on Higher Education and Science. CRI believes that the proposed changes may endanger academic freedom and contribute to dissemination of knowledge not based on solid scientific grounds. Following consultations with the entire Polish academic and scientific community CRI has amended its Code of Conduct for Research Integrity and published its updated version (approved by General Assembly of PAS on 25 June 2020). The new version addresses in a more detail the issue of conflict of interest (CoI). CRI believes that the issue of CoI is of growing importance in science, medicine and other aspects of human activities. Following the examples of leading universities and research institutions CRI has introduced an ethical requirement to report – on an annual basis – the existing CoI to university/research institute administration for possible instructions informing if and how such existing CoI need to be adjusted.

The article examines the specificity of the manifestation of active verbal aggression in Ukrainian phraseology through the use of the phraseoideographic paradigm. The typology of aggressive behavior of A. Buss and the postulate of the theory of argumentation and verbal aggressiveness of D. Infante are the basis of the research methodology. Analyzed are the classification parameters of active verbal aggression in the various communicative theories and practices. Specifics of manifestation of active verbal aggression (shout, accusation, demand, ridicule, criticism, insult, comment, gossip, slander, complaint, teasing, curse, blasphemy, indignation, destructive wish, threat, curse) in the Ukrainian phraseology is defined. The theoretical material is illustrated by a large number of examples. The context of using of a phraseological unit is considered as a conflict episode – a situation of communicative interaction of participants, during which contradictions are expressed. The study of the semantics, pragmatics and functioning of the phraseological units of active verbal aggression in the Ukrainian language shows that active verbal aggression is a complex system of interdependent mental reactions. These phraseology do not contradict modern knowledge of psychology and communicative linguistics about the studied subject, but at the same time the phraseological units form an independent system with the following signs: a) the state of the speaker’s dissatisfaction; b) a combination of verbal and non‑verbal components; c) intensifica-tion of manifestations; d) the correlation of the varieties of verbal aggression.

In reference to Anna Śliz’s book Wielokulturowość: stygmat współczesnego świata? Próba analizy socjologicznej [Multiculturalism: The Stigma of the Modern World? An Attempt at a Sociological Analysis], the subject of this article is multiculturalism as a phenomenon, a political project, and a real kind of existing society (multiculturalism is not the same as interculturalism or transculturalism). In the discourse on multiculturalism, many specific questions arise: the inevitability of the phenomenon and its genesis; the beginnings and bases of multiculturalism as a political project and its challenges; the reality of multicultural societies—from affirmation to contestation. Model discourse over multiculturalism is confronted with a range of remarks, commentaries, and questions about its fundamental significance, for example, about the potential for realizing the idea of multiculturalism in Europe, and whether Australia and Canada are now definitely multicultural societies.

This article proposes that the current Vietnamese conflict of law rules for tort actions, which presently use the place of damages rule to determine the applicable law (meaning applying the law of the jurisdiction where the damage occurred), should be supplemented with additional conflicts of law rules in order to address the problems presented by specific tort actions such as environmental pollution, product liability, intellectual property rights, and violations of competition rules. It is proposed that for these specific torts, the place of damages rule needs to be either replaced by other connecting factors, such as the place of acting or the rule of closest connection, or it has to be made more concrete. In other types of torts, the rule has to be rebuttable by the foreseeability defense or has to give way to a ubiquity rule granting the plaintiff the choice between the laws of the place of damage and the laws of the place of acting.

This paper conducts a comparative analysis of internal conflict’s intensity among students according to three parameters (loneliness, guilt, and resentment), taking into account digital technology use. The research was conducted in 2020 in Moscow (Russian Federation) among 98 university students, who were diagnosed with intrapersonal conflict. Interviewing methods and Gestalt therapy were used to reduce the intensity of internal conflicts. The level of three parameters among students at the beginning and at the end of the study was taken into account: loneliness, resentment, guilt. The number of students with a high level of loneliness decreased 25 times (p≤0.001) after therapy. The number of students with an average level of loneliness increased because students with a high level of loneliness moved into this category. The number of students with a maximum level of resentment decreased fivefold, and there was a 17-fold decrease in students with a high level of resentment (p≤0.001). There were no students with a maximum level of guilt after the consultation, while the number of students with a high level of guilt decreased only 0.5 times (p≤0.05) because students from the previous category moved to this one. The most popular activities among students were Internet use (100% of students), reading books (61 students, p≤0.05 compared to the Internet use), and watching TV (32 students, p≤0.01).

The rational management of underground space, especially when used for various purposes, requires a comprehensive approach to the subject. The possibility of using the same geological structures (aquifers, hydrocarbon reservoirs, and salt caverns) for the storage of CH4, H2 and CO2 may result in conflicts of interest, especially in Poland. These conflicts are related to the use of the rock mass, spatial planning, nature protection, and social acceptance.
The experience in the field of natural gas storage can be transferred to other gases. The geological and reservoir conditions are crucial when selecting geological structures for gas storage, as storage safety and the absence of undesirable geochemical and microbiological interactions with reservoir fluids and the rock matrix are essential. Economic aspects, which are associated with the storage efficiency, should also be taken into account.
The lack of regulations setting priorities of rock mass development may result in the use of the same geological structures for the storage of various gases. The introduction of appropriate provisions to the legal regulations concerning spatial development will facilitate the process of granting licenses for underground gas storage. The provisions on area based nature protection should take other methods of developing the rock mass than the exploitation of deposits into account. Failure to do so may hinder the establishment of underground storage facilities in protected areas. Knowledge of the technology and ensuring the safety of underground gas storage should translate into growing social acceptance for CO2 and H2storage.

Numerous Russian media professionals have moved to Ukraine in the last decade. These migrants can be seen as contemporary mobile, highly skilled, transnationally connected professionals who made a lifestyle choice by relocating to Ukraine. However, after the EuroMaidan, their move has also become increasingly political. Drawing upon a series of interviews with Russian media professionals living and working in Ukraine – and addressing their social relationships, professional practices and thoughts on return migration – I analyse the ways in which the lifestyles of these ‘middling transnationals’ can be affected by the political tensions between host and home countries. This paper draws upon the idea of transnational ties being not necessarily durable and supportive but, rather, flexible and multi-direc-tional. I argue that the annexation of Crimea and the armed conflict in Donbas have altered migrants’ cross-border connections with Russia; however, instead of tying them to a place and excluding them from global networks, it might also push them towards inhabiting multiple transnational spaces. These observations highlight the political dimension of ‘middling transnationalism’ which is usually not con-sidered in migration scholarship.

For small, low-to-middle-income countries such as North Macedonia, the prospect of young, educated peo-ple leaving their place of residence (i.e. emigrating) can have significant negative societal-level effects. Understanding the complexity of the brain-drain phenomenon and its antecedents is critical to developing multi-level (i.e. global, societal and individual) strategic solutions. A qualitative analysis of several focus-group interviews was used to understand young, educated residents’ reasons either for emigrating or for remaining in North Macedonia. Two overarching themes served to organise the participant-identified driv-ers for emigration and those opposed to it. Three sub-themes emerged describing the factors for emigra-tion: 1) a lack of professional opportunities, 2) institutional systems, and 3) cultural tightness. Likewise, three sub-themes emerged describing the factors for staying: 1) community, 2) culture and 3) social re-sponsibility. Insights serve to contextualise some of the experiences of young, educated people in small, low-to-middle-income, countries which impact on their emigration decisions.

This new edition of the code has been prepared by the Commission for Research Integrity and approved by the General Assemby of the Polish Academy of Sciences in June 2020. Good research practices are presented in the context of data management; research environment; training, supervision and mentorship; research procedures; safeguards; collaborative working; publication; reviewing and evaluation; conflict of interest (CoI). It is now recommended that each scientist file an annual declaration of CoI while the possible need for its addressing will be determined by the leaders of academic/scientific institutions. Violations of research integrity are briefly presented as well as dealing with those violations as well as with allegations of misconduct.

The aim of this article is to assess the military operation started on 24 February 2022 by Russia against Ukraine in light of the law on use of force, having in mind all the justifications officially expressed by Russian authorities and in light of international humanitarian law. The author claims that there is no justification for the Russian military action and thus it must be qualified as aggression. This, due to the serious violation of the peremptory norm, implies obligations on the part of states and international organizations (i.e. the international community). In addition, the current conduct of hostilities clearly shows that it is mainly Russian forces which neglect international humanitarian law principles, which might amount to war crimes.

Maritime spatial planning is quite a new field that emerged as an idea only after 2000, with the first practical implementation after 2010. In Polish legislation, the first entries regarding the possibilities of this type of planning appeared in 2003. For the next ten years resources of necessary knowledge and human competences had been created. In this way, a considerable amount of knowledge in the field of maritime spatial planning was accumulated in Poland, and our country has become one of the leaders in scientific research in this field. Poland has enriched the MSP methodology and has proposed many new and pioneering solutions. In 2016, the Directors of Maritime Offices began developing a coherent draft of maritime spatial plan for Polish maritime areas in the part relating to the exclusive economic zone, the territorial sea and parts of internal sea waters (including the Gulf of Gdańsk) on a scale of 1: 200,000. The work on the preparation of this draft plan was coordinated on behalf of all offices by the Director of the Maritime Office in Gdynia, and the work was assigned to a Consortium consisting of the Maritime Institute in Gdańsk and the Maritime Fisheries Institute – National Research Institute in Gdynia. The Polish plan is included in the top ten plans in the world and is one of the first to have a decision-making and not indicative character. The Polish planning process has resulted in the development of many innovative solutions that are worth wider dissemination. The presented study aims to identify key problems and formulate conclusions regarding spatial planning of Polish maritime areas, as well as to propose the most important directions for further planning work. The analytical material that is the subject of the study are experience and solutions adopted in our country for maritime spatial planning.

The judgment of the Court of Justice in the Achmea case evoked significant repercussions regarding the application and operation of the bilateral investment treaties (BITs) concluded between EU Member States. As a result of this decision, EU Member States have decided to terminate almost 190 intra-EU BITs. Nevertheless, full implementation of the Achmea judgment remains a complex issue, entangled in political and legal controversies concerning intra-EU BITs which have been present for more than a decade. On a more general level, the implementation process is simultaneously entwined in two other significant debates: the specifics of the rights of investors, and the relationship between EU law and international law.

The boundary between work and family life is now almost invisible, making the search for a balance between both spheres a dilemma and challenge. These concerns have led to a growing increase in studies on work-family and family-work conflict, their predictors, and their effects. This study aims to: 1) observe the predictive effect of work-family conflict (WFC) and family-work conflict (FWC) on work-family guilt (WFG) and family-work guilt (FWG), respectively; and 2) to observe the effect of WFC, FWC, WFG and FWG on satisfaction with life and job satisfaction. In a sample of 213 participants aged between 22 and 64 years (M = 41.77; SD = 6.63), the results show that, in contrast with expectations, WFG and FWG did not prove to be predictors; only WFC and FWC had a negative effect on both guilt and satisfaction with life and job satisfaction. The family work interface is a topic that is extremely important, not only for organizations but also for society. Therefore, the study of its implications on variables is considered essential for the promotion of positive functioning of individuals.

This study examined the relationship between gender role conflict and attitude towards psychological help-seeking. This study involved 120 university students from a university. Gender Role Conflict Scale was used to measure gender role conflict and Attitude towards Seeking Professional Psychological Help Scale-Short Form was used to measure attitude towards psychological help-seeking. The results found there is a significant negative relationship between gender role conflict and attitude towards seeking psychological help. The results suggest that it is essential for mental health professionals to recognise the impact of gender roles on the counselling process.

This paper analyses diaspora advocacy on behalf of Ukraine as practiced by a particular diaspora group, Ukrainian Canadians, in a period of high volatility in Ukraine: from the EuroMaidan protests to the Russian invasion of Eastern Ukraine. This article seeks to add to the debate on how conflict in the homeland affects a diaspora’s mobilisation and advocacy patterns. I argue that the Maidan and the war played an important role not only in mobilising and uniting disparate diaspora communities in Canada but also in producing new advocacy strategies and increasing the diaspora’s political visibility. The paper begins by mapping out the diaspora players engaged in pro-Ukraine advocacy in Canada. It is followed by an analysis of the diaspora’s patterns of mobilisation and a discussion of actual advocacy outcomes. The second part of the paper inves-tigates successes in the diaspora’s post-Maidan communication strategies. Evidence indicates that the dias-pora’s advocacy from Canada not only brought much-needed assistance to Ukraine but also contributed to strengthening its own image as an influential player. Finally, the paper suggests that political events in the homeland can serve as a mobilising factor but produce effective advocacy only when a diaspora has already achieved a high level of organisational capacity and created well-established channels via which to lobby for homeland interests.

The author champions the belief that Karl Marx offered a theory of capitalism, and not a theory of socialism. This explains, she argues, why we cannot find a detailed and well-constructed conception of human society that will exist in the future. Marx continued, however, to draw prognostic conclusions from his diagnosis of the capitalist status quo, and his numerous manuscripts are replete with social predictions. They were different at different times, and as the capitalist system tended to change in his lifetime, so changed Marx’s expectations about the future course of events. One thing remained unchanged, however. He always proclaimed the coming of a classless community based on the principle that a free development of each is a necessary prerequisite of a free development of all.

The article deals with one of the most pressing topics in bioethics, namely the attitude to abortion. The author focuses on the interpretation of this practice as a kind of conflict between a woman and the fetus that she gestates (this conflict concerns women’s rights and duties to the fetus, its interests, and the moral status of the fetus in general). Considering several variants of arguments which protect women’s right to abortion (primarily utilitarian arguments based on analogy), the author tries to identify the structure of argumentation. Finally, she presents her own argument against the practice of terminating pregnancy.

The article explores war as a perplexing social phenomenon, one that often appears more enticing to mankind than peace despite the numerous advantages attributed to the latter, as exemplified in the writings of Hesiod. The origins of war remain somewhat enigmatic, but evidence of its existence can be traced back to Paleo-lithic settlements and ancient texts like the Epic of Gilgamesh. After the abandonment of divine laws, we find ourselves in a world see-mingly devoid of rules, witnessing a growing state of anarchy in in-ternational relations, a trend that has intensified since the early 21st century, culminating in Putin’s 2022 attack on Ukraine. Some phi-losophers, such as Umberto Eco, argue that humanity has entered a new era akin to the “Middle Ages” characterized by the resur-gence of private violence and the proliferation of religious and civil wars. Former ceasefires have given way to “cold wars” which, re-grettably, still have the propensity to escalate into “hot wars” as seen in the full-scale war in Ukraine. Furthermore, the current interna-tional landscape is overshadowed by the specter of nuclear deter-rence, where a precarious balance of fear prevails. Additionally, assumptions about the brevity of contemporary wars and the immi-nent return of refugees, which were advocated until very recently, now face reconsideration.

The crisis of the Catholic Church due to the Reformation marked a profound shift in European religious dynamics during the 16th century. This transformation led to confessional conflicts previous-ly unseen in Europe’s history. Within this context, the Warsaw Confederation 1573 stands out as an extraordinary event. Unlike traditional peace settlements following religious wars or edicts is-sued by rulers, it was a political and pragmatic measure introduced by the Sejm and aimed at maintaining peace during the Interre-gnum period, and preventing bloody conflicts. The path to this uni-que solution lay in the multiculturalism of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth on which territories Roman Catholics already in the late Middle Ages coexisted with Orthodox Christians. Besides, through Poland’s diplomatic efforts, the protestant Duchy of Prussia was established in 1525 following the secularization of the Teu-tonic Order. The Warsaw Confederation remains an exceptional example of resolving internal religious conflicts in the early modern period, as the Western countries, with their conflict-oriented mind-set, were less inclined to pursue such a path.