Professor T. Szafer was an excellent academic, scholar, writer, organiser of numerous conferences devoted to the Polish contemporary architecture, author of ca. 300 scientific papers. Professor Szafer was a distinguished expert on the most recent architecture, and his publications on the Polish architecture after the World War II from the 1970s and 1980s have been cited during many scientific conferences and constitute the fundamental critical literature from that period, especially today, when the issue of the protection of the Polish architecture erected in that period has become essential.

The plebiscite in Upper Silesia from the year 1921 was one of the most important moments in the history of the region. The establishment of the independent Polish state after 1918 resulted in creating a frontier which divided the region before the plebiscite itself. Therefore, various kinds of travel documents emerged and played an important role. Basing on decision of the Allies, starting from 1st of July 1920, all persons who wanted to enter the plebiscite area were obliged to have a special passport or identity card, issued by the French consulate in Breslau (Wrocław). Also the inhabitants of Upper Silesia, travelling in the area of plebiscite territory, were obliged to possess special travel cards. The author in her article analyses different types of documents as well as mechanisms of dealing with problems of people, who after the final division of Upper Silesia decided to move from one side of the border to the other.

The paper is a part of the war diary of Aurelia Wyleżyńska (1881-1944), in which she described the political and social life in Warsaw (and not only there) from September 1939 until June 1944. Aurelia Wyleżyńska, a scion of Polish gentry, was a writer and journalist, the author of over a dozen of novels and hundreds of articles in Polish and French-language press, concerning mainly literature, feminism, pacifism (and civilizational progress, which she identified with the latter). She investigates the mood of the civilians and the views of Polish soldiers she met. She analyses social conditions, including her Jewish friends. She shows the dreadful German invasion and the accompanying changes to life and death. She also comments on the Soviet invasion. In her diary she shows how quickly the bustling Polish capital turns into a ruined cage for individuals struggling for survival.

This article is an attempt to represent the aspirations of the Polish aristocracy during the First World War by imagining the dreams of Maria Lubomirska – wife of Prince Zdzisław Lubomirski, arguably the most important Polish politician in Warsaw at the time. Lubomirska and her circle attended séances led by a popular medium, and they saw what they wanted to see, just as they perceived the changing political tides in the same way. Though aristocrats were in some sense already anachronistic at this time, they still wished to maintain their superior social and political position into the future. Lubomirska in particular envisioned an independent Poland led by a king. The idea of Poland becoming a monarchy may seem absurd in hindsight, but as the article shows, if we return to this moment in history without teleological presumptions it was a likely outcome until the last days of the war. Text in italics comes directly from Lubomirska’s diary.

The paper presents the comments of English, French, German, and Russian-language press, published in countries ranging from the USA to Soviet Russia, on the events in future Polish Second Republic between November 1918 till February 1919. The press certainly is not the ideal source to reconstruct the origins of reborn Poland. However, the press coverage reveals the stereotypes, misconceptions, impressions, and convictions of the authors, the expression of editors’ political line, sometimes even the governments of relevant countries. Alternatively, the press coverage reveals the lack of knowledge on the part of the above. “Old” Europe was wary of a new country, that was to emerge on the map of the continent. Simultaneously, some were seeing Poland as an important chain in the anti-Bolshevik cordon sanitaire. Most importantly, however, the contemporary press coverage reveals the lack of awareness of the basic political mechanisms and identity problems present in the lands of the emerging Polish Republic.

The paper outlines the methodological issues connected to national statistics, their cartographical representations, and the methods of conducting censuses. During the Paris Peace Conference representatives of new Central- and Eastern European states vehemently criticized the ethnic statistics developed by the empires, mostly Russian and Austro-Hungarian. The censuses, conducted in these new states in early 1920s, were criticized along similar lines by the minorities. Among the most vociferous critics were German geographers. Pointing out to the results of the plebiscites in Silesia, Carinthia and other regions they argued, that national identity did not have to correspond to the mother tongue, and census authorities should have taken it into account. Paradoxically, they considered this point valid only to the Central and Eastern Europe, not Western Europe. In the final part of the paper the position of geographers and statisticians in post-war debates are confronted with information on the behaviour of respondents during the censuses in Poland and Czechoslovakia.

The Ways of the Diaspora in the narrative of Claudio Magris – One of the themes in the works of Claudio Magris is that of the frontiers between nations which have been divided by arbitrary political decisions. This is the case with Central Europe, which forms a sort of transnational melting pot and which has hosted the Hebrew Diaspora. The theme of the Diaspora plays a key role in many of Magris books, in particular Lontano da dove. In his recent novel, Non luogo a procedere, one of the topics is the slave trade, a sort of African Diaspora.

This article presents the last decade of the Krystyna Cywińska’s journalism, published in the London Nowy Czas [ The New Time] in 2007– 2017. Her journalistic career began in London in 1947: she was a regular contributor to Radio Free Europe, the BBC, the London Dziennik Polski i Dziennik Żołnierza [ The Polish Daily and Soldier’s Daily] and its Sunday supplement Tydzień Polski [ The Polish Weekly]. In the course of fifty years she developed a distinctly personal style of commenting on the social and political realities of the day, especially those affected the lives of the Polish expatriates.

Wolność i Lud [ Freedom and the People] was the press organ of the agrarian People’s Party Freedom (SL-W) published in London in 1948–1949 and 1953–1954. The periodical, which eventually appeared at monthly intervals, propagated the key ideas of the political programme of the SW-L, kept track of the life of the Polish émigré community and commented on world affairs. It provided regular coverage of the developments in Poland, especially with regard to in agriculture, social transformation processes and culture.

This is an analysis of the commentaries published in the Polish press in the wake of the celebrations of the 60th Anniversary of the World War II Victory Day in Moscow in 2005. In Poland these commemorations triggered a live debate which focused on the future of Polish-Russian relations, Russia’s strategic goals on the international scene, the Polish Eastern policy and the uses of history as a tool of state policy.

This article profiles Katarzyna Bzowska-Budd, a Polish journalist and member of the generation of political refugees the 1980s. Based in London, she has become luminary of the Polish diaspora. In 1991–2002 she was editor-in-chief of the Dziennik Polski i Dziennik Żołnierza (The Polish Daily and Soldier's Daily) and published extensively in Polish and expatriate journals. A keen observer of British life, she writes from the immigrant perspective complemented with a superb understanding of English sensitivities.

The motto of Zofia Nałkowska’s short-story collection Medaliony [Medalions] – “People doomed people to this fate” [Polish, “Ludzie ludziom zgotowali ten los”] – as obvious as it may apparently seem, has aroused various controversies. Henryk Grynberg believed that the only right formula, the one that would do justice to those persecuted, would have been “People doomed Jews to this fate”. Recently, the discussion was resumed in a book on the portrayal of the Holocaust in Medaliony – Zagłada w „Medalionach” Zofii Nałkowskiej, edited by Tomasz Żukowski: one of its essays (by Żukowski and Aránzazu Calderón Puerta) notices that endeavours to universalise the Holocaust is at least premature for the Poles tending to avoid facing the truth about their own contribution to annihilation of the Jews. While the threads addressed in these debates are important, they disregard the beliefs and the system of values Nałkowska adhered to. The Polish novelist adopted the view that man and the pleasure he takes in inflicting pain is the actual cause of evil. This inclination revealed itself not only during the war. This more general observation was rooted in her knowledge of life, relations between people, and daily cruelty. Supported by an ideology and furnished with technical resources, the war added a historical dimension to this bent. Moreover, Nałkowska was definitely not one among those who stayed silent in respect of the Jewish victims. Conversely, a few of the stories in Medaliony speak exactly about this problem, never trying to conceal anti-Semitic attitudes among Poles.