CSR on Mazovia – Institutional Dimension. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is defined as the responsibility of enterprises for their impacts on society. For the effective implementation of this concept are very important institutions, understood as a permanent (legal, organizational and customary) determinants of repetitive human behaviour and peopleto- people interaction. Institutions can therefore be both organisations that promotes this concept and CSR projects or strategies. The aim of the article is to review the thesis that the Mazovia is the driving force of the development of CSR in Poland, carried out on the basis of desk and web research. By evaluating the degree of institutionalisation of CSR in Mazovia, based on an analysis of the activities of the various sectors in this field, it was found that most activities for the implementation of this concept is undertaken in Mazovia, and many of them have coverage nationwide.
There is a very high interest in international literature about the governance of common goods related to a redefinition of representative democracy. Scholars like Sheila Foster and Christian Iaione have proposed new models of governance enhancing the preservation and management of the commons in order to overcome problems and contradictions of complex contemporary cities, such as social exclusion and land privatisation. The aim of this paper is to verify, through a recognition of administrative documents, if in the example of Rome, the political actors, the municipal government, and the civil society, could be able to take part in a collaborative governance inspired reform. To answer this question, the relationship between the policy making process, the economic production model and the normative claims arising from social groups will be investigated. What is emerging is a difficulty of the administration in implementing collaborative principles. This is reflected in the issuance of discordant administrative measures, stemming from problems in relaying to civil society and active citizens the role that these principles assign. The reasons for this mismatching might be identified in the distinctive urban regime of Rome and the political and economic set that fosters social exclusion and does not consider the positive effects and the value of collaborative-oriented policy, enhancing sharing economy and social cohesion. The constant recall in the political discourse of concepts such as common goods, citizen’s participation and collaboration values takes the characteristics of a discursive resource, a ‘common washing’, which institutions and politics seem to re-propose and consolidate the traditional mode of public action, though apparently declaring its inadequacy and ineffectiveness.
The EU member states have implemented excise duties on fuel and electricity according to the EU Energy Tax Directive. The purpose of these measures is to motivate a reduction in energy consumption by internalizing external costs of energy. The taxes on energy have success in inciting energy savings. Simultaneously, the price levels of energy in the EU member states have increased to levels significantly higher compared to other countries in the region and the world. The price increase is the result of a cumulative effect of excise duties and other taxes and mechanisms including feed-in tariffs and quota policies. While the Energy Tax Directive gives the member states a level of freedom in setting the exact duty rates, the minimal rates enforced on all member states are relatively high. The policy intends to limit competition between the states on low energy prices and arbitrage trading between countries. We examine the purchasing power for energy products relative to the per capita GDP for a wide set of countries countries within the EU and in the rest of the world. We can identify several groups or clusters of countries based on their GDP per capita and energy prices. The new member states of the EU face a unique combination of low or moderate GDP per capita and very high energy prices. Their relative purchasing power for energy is degraded to levels comparable or lower than the purchasing power in developing countries with significantly lower GDP per capita and underdeveloped energy infrastructure. The calibration of energy taxation in the EU at high price levels suitable for Western European economies with high per capita GDP is leading to strong negative social effects and increasing poverty in Eastern European member states. The current implementation of these policies does not recognize to a sufficient extent income levels, regional social inequalities, and the low price elasticity of demand for energy.
In this article the author attempts to define the specificity of the tools for development planning at the local level in the context of: institutional resources of community (gmina) (and means of strengthening them), models of public management as well as the specifics of the Polish public administration system and its ensuing dysfunctions. These dysfunctions rely mainly on a limited awareness of the need to create mechanisms of coordination for: socio-economics, spatial and financial planning. These factors contribute to a decrease in the effectiveness of measures for the development of communities. Socio-economic planning answers the question: WHAT we want to do in the community; spatial planning: WHERE we would like to carry out certain activities, and financial planning: HOW MUCH it will cost and where the financial sources are. We can see the theoretical causal links between the areas of development planning, therefore, the main purpose of this article is to offer conceptual framework and a relevant case study of Kraków serving as its validation attempt.